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Two Lenin criterion of revolutionary workers party
25.09.2012, 10:22
Two Lenin criterion of revolutionary workers party

Revolutionism is the main requirement Marxism to the vanguard party of the working class. But what is a «revolutionary»? What is the point of investing Marxists in the concept of «revolutionary»?

To answer this question we must go back to the origins of Bolshevism, to Lenin. «Social democracy, " Lenin wrote in the «Iskra» in 1900, " there is connection of the workers movement with socialism, its task is not a passive service of the labor movement, at each of its separate stages, while the representation of the interests of the movement as a whole, an indication of the movement's ultimate goal, its political tasks, and to safeguard its political and ideological independence» (the Complete works, volume 4, p. 373). In this definition allocated the initial and in this sense, the main thing in the Marxist understanding of the essence of a proletarian party, without which we can not disclose its essential features as the party of the revolution. Lenin in the «What to do?» showed that, firstly, socialist consciousness does not arise directly from the spontaneous workers ' movement, it was in his revolutionary party, the ideology of which is Marxism; secondly, the class struggle can bring the working class to victory only when it will be sent to the scientific socialist program.

The working party may not be revolutionary, if its activities is not based on a scientific basis, is not based on Marxism as a science. Nothing can replace a strictly defined theoretical platform of Marxism. «Without revolutionary theory can be no revolutionary movement» wrote Lenin in 1902 (MSS, t. 6. with. 24). And further: « ... the Role of the best of the fighter can perform only the party, led by the advanced theory» (ibid., p. 25). This is the first criterion of a revolutionary workers ' party. Neglect of Marxist theory, pragmatic adaptation to the «real politics», replacing the theory of a set of slogans, «understandable simple workers», etc. - all these are the first steps on the way to the degradation and destruction of the working party as a revolutionary organization.

Next. Communists have to cope with this situation, and not to allow the situation mastered them. They do not have the right to go on about the spontaneous workers ' movement, shall not be entitled to adapt to short-term needs of specific groups or sectors of the working class, to put myself at the service, may not rise to the ideological and cultural level of the proletariat. On the contrary, they are obliged to raise the proletariat to its level - the level of the Marxist vanguard, are obliged to keep ahead of the workers, carrying them for themselves, are obliged to defend the General interests of the proletariat as a class. This is the second criterion of revolutionary workers ' parties. « ... «Ideologist» - in the words of Lenin, - and only then deserves the title of a ideologist, when going in front of the spontaneous movement, showing him the way, when can he used the other to resolve all of the theoretical, political, tactical and organizational questions, to which «the material elements of the» movement spontaneously encounter» (MSS, t. 5, p. 363). «The more the spontaneous upsurge of the masses, " said Lenin, " the greater becomes the movement, so much faster increases the demand on mass consciousness and theoretical, and in the political and in the organisation of the social-democracy» (MSS, t. 6, p. 52).

Acts of the working masses themselves are not able to break the bourgeoisie. If such performance will not be linked with the prospect of the conquest of power, will not be led by the revolutionary party, they are not beyond the scope of capitalism and, ultimately, become subject to the bourgeois-reformist goals and will end in the defeat of the workers. «Often they say: " the working class spontaneously attracts to socialism. "Wrote Lenin in the «What to do?». - This is certainly true in the sense that the socialist theory of all deeper and all rather determines the causes of the disasters of the working class, but because the working and learn it so easy, if this theory itself does not fall to стихийностью, if only she subdues the spontaneity... the working class spontaneously attracts to socialism, but the most common (and constantly воскрешаемая in a variety of forms) bourgeois ideology nevertheless spontaneously more than are imposed on the worker» (MSS, t. 6. with. 41).

Spontaneous strikes of workers of any kind, if a party does not make them clear consciousness of the class of tasks, do not represent a fatal threat to the fundamentals of capitalism. Moreover, they can be used by the bourgeoisie in their counter-revolutionary purposes, for the struggle against the workers ' movement, against the socialist gains of the workers. An example of this is the events of 1953 in East Berlin and 1956 in Hungary, when a part of the working class rose up in struggle against the Stalinist bureaucracy, but in the absence of a revolutionary Marxist vanguard objectively could not become anything other, except as part of the counter-revolutionary imperialist front. Imperialism was again strengthened its position due to the fact that he was able to use spontaneous discontent of the workers, as, for example, anti-bureaucratic performances of Polish workers of the period of «Solidarity» or miners ' strike in the early 90-ies of the last century in the USSR.

The proletariat, as well as any social phenomenon, диалектичен. The proletarian movement is always specifically with regard to the different countries and historical periods, it is inconsistent and fragmented, consists of various groups and layers that are in one way or another under the influence of the reformist or openly bourgeois ideology and policy, even, sometimes, a fascist. «Pure» of the proletariat in General, with a perfect fullness of expressing the social behaviour of their objective of world-historical interest, in conditions of capitalism there is no and can not be. «Capitalism, " Lenin wrote, - would not be capitalism, if the «net proletariat» was not surrounded by a mass of extremely colorful transitional types of полупролетария to the small farmer (and the small artisan, handicraft, хозяйчику at all), from the farmer to the middle, etc.; if the inside of the proletariat was not the tick marks on a more or less developed layers, divisions of the compatriots', professional, sometimes religious, etc.». (MSS, t. 41, p. 58-59). This creates an objective opportunity for dissemination in the working class of different kind of bourgeois views and prejudices. Moreover, the working class in bourgeois society, constantly under the the influence of the imperialist ideology, imposed with the help of mass media. «We, " Lenin wrote, " the party of the class, and because almost all of the class (and in times of war, in the era of the civil war, and quite the whole class) should operate under the leadership of our party, should join our party as tight as you can, but it would be маниловщиной and «tail-ISM» to think that when-or almost the whole class or the entire class in a state under capitalism, the climb up to the consciousness and activity of their vanguard, his social-democratic party» (MSS, t. 8, p. 245).
To achieve under these conditions, an adequate reflection of all or a majority of the proletariat of its objective historical role, the role of the hegemon of the revolution, can only Marxist-Leninist party by making a broad layers of the proletariat the consciousness of its revolutionary role. The party of Bolsheviks led by Lenin in fact brilliantly showed what a huge influence on the development of the revolution the socialist theory, skillfully combined with spontaneously growing struggle of the masses against the power of capital, practically confirmed the correctness of the two fundamental principles of revolutionary, which were proposed by Lenin Russian social-democracy at the beginning of the 20th century.


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